By Way of Prologue: On How We Arrived at the Watchtower and What We Saw from There

Posted in Uncategorized on December 2, 2016 by floweroftheword

by SUBCOMANDANTE INSURGENTE GALEANO

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Those of us in the meeting were staring up at the central beam of the shelter. Perhaps we were appreciating the fact that the beam was still up there, sturdy and in one piece; or perhaps we were thinking “maybe it’s not,” and so maybe it’s better to take a seat closer to the door, on the ready to make an exit. “If the beam creaks, that means that it might break,” the person who had the floor at the moment had said.

Earlier, that person had asked us to use our imagination:

“Imagine that the system is like this shelter. It is meant to be lived in. But a large and heavy room has been built on the roof of the house, and inside of that room men and women celebrate their wealth.”

It didn’t need to be said, but the person speaking warned us anyway that the weight was too much for the central beam. The house wasn’t built to support a lot of things on top of it, and the stage where all of those men and women fought each other over the throne was heavy, very heavy, too heavy. So it was to be expected that the beam would groan in protest.

What should we do?” the speaker asked, demanding collective thought.

We considered the options. We could reinforce the beam. If we prop it up here and there, it was said, we might alleviate the weight a bit, but it would reduce the available space inside the house. With more and more reinforcements, the house would be converted into a labyrinth of supports and repairs, making it useless for spending the night, cooking, eating, sheltering oneself from the sun and rain, serving as host to the word and the listening ear, for holding parties, or for resting.

The house wouldn’t be a house anymore. That is, instead of a place to live, it would become something that’s sole purpose is to support what’s above. It would just be another structure. Those who lived within it would do so with the sole purpose of keeping those above up there, initially by working to repair and reinforce the structure, and then by converting their own bodies into another part of that structure. This is an absurdity: a house like that cannot be lived in.

Of course it would have been logical for those who designed the house to have thought to reinforce the lower part before adding weight to the top. But no, in the frenzy of the moment, they added more and more things on top, the majority of which were useless and ostentatious. Then there finally came a time when those above forgot that they were being held up by those below. What’s more, they even started to think that those below existed thanks to the mercy and kindness of those above, and that in fact it was those above who sustained those below.

It’s true that those above were fewer in number, but their things were much heavier.

If they had thought about it a little, with each new weight above, they would have added a reinforcement below. Not only did they not do this, but in their eagerness to accumulate more and more above, they were dismantling the primary supports for the building. As if that weren’t enough all of the beams, especially the principal one, had rotted, because those who had been assigned to maintain the edifice were instead busy stealing parts of the structure and pocketing the money that should have been dedicated to the maintenance of the beams.

These people who claim to manage the building deserve special mention. The main problem is this: they only manage what already exists. But not only that, they also dedicate themselves to looting parts of the building’s structure. And as if some tragic comedy, they compete amongst themselves to decide who will be in charge of that theft.

That is why they go every so often to ask those below to mention them, to applaud them, to vote for them. They want to buy the will of those below with flattery and gifts.

But they get their money by taking it from those very same people below. Then, once they’re settled in to the office, they do nothing but give speeches and steal pieces of the walls, furniture, and even the floor. On top of all that, their very existence is adding more and more weight to the roof. In sum, their essential work is to weaken what is below and strengthen what is above.

Conclusion: it is very likely that the house will collapse. This will be bad for those above; it will be worse for those below. But why maintain a house that is no longer a house? That’s right, collective thought moved from seeking a way to keep the structure standing to questioning the very need for its existence. Of course, this shift was not immediate. The move started when someone asked:

Okay, so this part above, how is it that it is up there, or for what? What is its function?”

And someone else added:

And those people above who say that their work is to manage the building, which it’s clear they don’t do, why are they up there?”

And to round it off, someone asked:

Okay, since we’ve decided to question, what use is a house like this? What if, instead of thinking about what we should do to keep the part above from collapsing on everything below, we think about how to build another house entirely; that would change how we organize ourselves, how we work, how we live.”

At that moment the central beam creaked. It was soft, yes, but the silence it created allowed us to hear it clearly. Then, although it didn’t have anything to do with anything, someone ventured…

Noah, the ark.”

The story, which can be found in both the Bible and the Koran, is simple: Noah receives a divine warning. God is angry because humanity doesn’t honour the rules and so has decided to punish them. The entire world will be flooded and the only ones who will survive are those who can pilot a boat. So Noah decides to build a gigantic boat, the ark. In it, he puts his people and a pair of each species of animal, as well as plants.

The scepticism of the people around him does not deter him. The deluge comes, the world is flooded and everything on the surface of the earth perishes. Only those who are in the ark are saved. After some time a bird brings a small branch to the ark, signalling that there is a dry place nearby. There, humanity is founded anew.

Hmm…Noah’s ark. Now imagine the debate that would arise in response to this story.

We have the religious fundamentalist: it’s proof of god’s omnipotence, he created the world and can destroy it whenever he wants; it’s proof of his mercy, he chooses a few to survive, the chosen. The only thing to do is praise the Lord for his power and pray for his mercy.

We have the scientist: precipitation with these characteristics is impossible; the surface of the earth cannot be entirely covered with water due to one rainfall. This story is nothing but a good script for a Hollywood movie.

We have the philosopher: in reality, it is an allegory emphasizing the fragility of human beings and the transitory nature of their existence.

The Zapatista listens, but is not satisfied by any of these positions. They think, then think some more, and they conclude: what it tells us is that if you see signs that something bad might happen, then you should prepare for it. So it has nothing to do with religion, science, or philosophy—just common sense. Someone said then,

“It’s a given we’ll share this with the communities, but we also have to let the Sixth1 know.”

“Agreed,” said the collective.

But another voice cautioned that before confirming, it would be good to try to see further, maybe from higher ground, just in case things are not what they seem, that they really aren’t that serious…or that maybe they are more serious.

Either way, that meant climbing up among the branches of the ceiba tree, to the highest part, where the leaves and the clouds compete in their games with the wind. Of course I got tangled up several times on my way up. Let’s just say that the pipe and the nose are no help when you’re moving through the branches. Up there at the top, the cold was even colder.

At the top the clouds had finally cleared and the Milky Way snaked from side to side, like a persistent crack of light in the dark wall of the night. I looked questioningly at the most distant lights, out there where the Hubble space telescope was busy analysing a supernova. I took out my binoculars. I jotted down in my notebook the need for an inverted periscope and, of course, a good microscope.

I descended as quickly as possible, which is to say, I fell. I arrived sore to the tent where my bosses [jefas and jefes] were still discussing the beam and its resistance. I said my part. Nobody looked surprised.

“It is time,” they said, “for the heart that we are to open a space for the word, to speak and to listen. And from among these words, let us choose the best seed.”

That is how the idea of the seminar/seedbed emerged.

They continued to think: It is not enough to tell people what we see. We also have to say who we are that are doing the seeing. Because the changes that we are witnessing are not only out there. Our gaze inward also detects changes, and our gaze itself has changed. So it is clear that to explain what we see, we have to explain our gaze. Thus before the response to the question about what we see, there is another question: “Who is it that is doing the seeing?”

That is how we constructed the “method” for our participation in the seedbed/seminar. Not only are we drawing attention to what we see on the horizon, we are also trying to account for the gaze that we are. So we saw that history is important: how things were before, what continues on the same, what has changed; that is, a genealogy.

To explain the genealogy, both that of who we are as well as what we see, we need concepts, theories, sciences. And to know whether these concepts are useful, which is to say that they sufficiently account for this history, we need critical thought.

Because both Zapatista reality and that other reality can be explained in a number of ways. For example, you could say that the eezeeelen is an invention of the government, as they love to say over and over again among the “progressive” intelligentsia. Through the gaze of critical thought then, our movement could be explained in its various parts and in its totality as the product of a governmental conspiracy.

If it cannot be explained as such, then we need to look for a different approach or manner of explaining Zapatismo. For example: it is a scheme created by foreigners; it is part of an alien invasion; it is a vindication of the heteropatriarchal system; it is the cunning manipulation of indigenous peoples; it is just nostalgia for the noble savage; it is a cinematic montage; it is a millennial recurrence; it is the product of brilliant action by a group of enlightened people; it is merely the result of the institutional neglect of the state, etcetera.

Here I have given some of the principal “explanations” for Zapatismo that have been spouted from across the ideological spectrum, as much in academia as in the “analysis” of the private media, as well as among political forces, be they institutional or not. If such explanations or theories are not able to account for Zapatismo, then they are no more than opinions and should be taken as such.

But critical thought can go further, for example, by drawing attention to the lack of concepts in any given characterization—that is, the lack of theory.

If an analysis is not supported by an articulated theory, able to emerge unscathed from a confrontation with reality, then where does this analysis come from? From what source does it draw? Who is it that sees with such a gaze?

If instead of concepts what are deployed are judgments, then little to nothing has been understood. And in that case, there is nothing to be done in the face of this reality, other than suffer it. Or, sure, from this one could also construct entire philosophical systems, or “new sciences,” or tweets (these at least have the advantage of being brief).

This critical thought not only helps us give an accounting of our history, what we were, what we are today, and what we want to be, it also allows us to explain reality, that which is most immediate to our calendar and geography. This is what we try to do with our gaze, both when it is oriented inward and when we are looking outward. This is how we come to realize that we need scientific concepts to explain what we are and how we see.

We need basic concepts to understand the capitalist system and the turbulent march of history. Not only can we not spare these things, but we find them absolutely essential: one or a few telescopes, some good binoculars, as many microscopes as there are geographies, and just as many inverted periscopes to study the roots of the matter.

Faced with reality, one can take many distinct positions; one can provide explanations or opinions. Our collective effort is to explain, to understand, to know, and to transform reality.

***

An initial assessment tells us that other gazes coincide with ours on something fundamental: a storm is coming.

Knowing that critical thought should inspire reflection and analysis and not blind unanimity, we have selected some of the words that were presented in the seedbed/seminar. They are many and they are important and the majority of them are provocative. And that was the idea, for the word to provoke thought.

The problem of the calendar and of geography is that they make it difficult, in an initial sitting, for one to take everything in. That is why we decided to make a book, or a couple of books, that people can read calmly and then ask questions: who said what? Why? When? From where? For what? These are important questions because we think that they can help make more and better seedbed/seminars in many other places.

This collection consists of three volumes. In this first volume we have included the Zapatista word according to how it was prepared. We did it this way because our word was spun together like a thread, like a sequence that would help to reconstruct not the whole puzzle, but one of its pieces. This first volume includes: a double gaze (inward and outward); an emphasis on the changes we have detected and suffered; “aids” for the gaze (microscopes, inverted periscopes, binoculars, orbital telescopes); and the warnings we now sound.

You will find here almost everything that we have observed from the crow’s nest of this vessel that is the synthesis of calendars and geographies. Although we at first set out to sound the alarm, to blow the conch shell, we soon realized that what we saw also made us look inward, as if the sentinel’s post had inverted its mission and the sentinel is forced to explain, or try to explain, what gives it meaning, purpose, place. We thought then that we could better explain what we saw outside if we first could explain what we see inside. Did we succeed? I don’t know. The answer is not for us, the Zapatistas, to give, but rather for the listener.

We also propose a method and lay out a necessity. The method is that of reflecting on history itself, on genealogy. The necessity is gathering the theoretical elements to do so. Finally, in both the method and the necessity we find the relevance of critical thought.

The texts in this first volume correspond to those that were read or presented from May 2-9, 2015. As the readers will see, this book also contains some texts that were not presented there in their entirety, and one that was not released at all. Readers will also note that they do not match the audios exactly because as they were being read some things were taken out or added.

We have made an effort to assure that our thinking, compiled here, is not lazy or conformist, that it does not fail to account for what has changed and for what remains the same; that it is not dogmatic, that it does not impose its particular time and its particular way; that it is not deceptive, full of lies and half-truths. We hope that these words are food for doubt, inquiry, and questioning.

Apart from that, the storm is coming. We must prepare.

A recommendation: read these texts as if they were one single piece, not as isolated or unconnected interventions. Our words were thought out and prepared as a single unit, as if each part came out of a puzzle that, in the end, would reveal its shape, its intention, and its thought only in relation to the other pieces.

As is the Zapatista way, at the end you will find the beginning: we have to make more and better seedbed/seminars; to make space for practice, but also for reflection on that practice; to understand the need for theory and the urgency of critical thought.

We are not creating a political party or an organization, we are creating a place from which to see. For this vision, we need concepts, not good intentions; we need practice with theory and theory with practice; we need critical analyses, not a priori judgments. To look outward, we need to look inward.

The consequences of both what we will see and of how we will see it will be a key part of how we respond to the question, “What comes next?”

Mexico, March-April-May-June 2015.

SupGaleano.2

The EZLN’s full Book, Critical Thought in the Face of the Capitalist Hydra, from which this is excerpted, was just released, and is available now from PaperBoat Press.

Notes.

(1) In Spanish, “Sexta” refers to adherents of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle. The EZLN uses “la Sexta” to refer collectively to these adherents, which we translate as “the Sixth.”

(2) In May of 2014, the EZLN announced the “death” of the figure of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, at which time, in honour of the recently murdered Zapatista teacher Galeano, the person behind the character known as Marcos took on the name Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano. Due to the fact that a number of the texts presented at the seminar, “Critical Thought in the Face of the Capitalist Hydra,” were written prior to the announced “death” of Marcos, the reader will find that some of the texts written and signed by Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos were presented at the seminar and co-signed by Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano. The latter often signs texts with the abbreviated “SupGaleano.”

This book will shortly be available in the UK. See: https://ukzapatistas.wordpress.com/new-book/ Or contact us. All proceeds to the Zapatista communities.

Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity

http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/12/02/by-way-of-prologue-on-how-we-arrived-at-the-watchtower-and-what-we-saw-from-there/

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EZLN: a clarifying text

Posted in Uncategorized on December 2, 2016 by floweroftheword

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SCI Marcos before he died and became SCI Galeano. Photo: Vice

By: Magdalena Gómez

I dedicate this collaboration to the Cuban people and to Pablo González Casanova for the “Lessons of Fidel” and, also for his own. The text “A story to try to understand, elaborated by sub Galeano and Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, spokesperson and current head of the EZLN, is very opportune. It is obligatory reading for those who in good faith are interested in knowing and sharing the initiative underway, about which the National Indigenous Congress is consulting with indigenous peoples and communities. The detailed story about the gestation of the initiative gives an account of a political conviction of the EZLN that it is certainly not the first time they have put into practice. We remember their historic decision in the dialogue with the federal government, of ceding the table to the country’s indigenous peoples so that they would be the ones that in the first instance would discuss the proposals on indigenous rights and culture in coordination with the indigenous commanders. The San Andrés Accords owe their relevance to that construction and unpublished collective debate.

The correct allegation about the more than evident fact that neither dreams nor nightmares fit into ballot boxes, for the effects of the subject initiative in consultation is a double edged sword, because, as is recognized, “there have been, there are, and there will be doubts and legitimate and rational questionings,” among them is rightly the one that proposes to go to an election when it (the election) is recognized as being meaningless.

Nevertheless, one must turn to that evaluation and the text that proposes it clearly: there is no other more convincing way of making the situation of the indigenous peoples visible than placing themselves on the stage where the whole political class will see them in 2018. Very strong what they shared with the CNI upon presenting their proposal to them: “Our pain reaches fewer people all the time. Our deaths don’t echo like before. And it’s not that the people outside have become cynical or apathetic. It’s that the war we have suffered since a long time ago as Native peoples, now reaches them, it is now in their streets, in their houses, in their schools and in their workplaces. Our pains are now one more among many others. And, although the pain extends and becomes deeper, we are more alone than ever. Each time we’re going to be fewer. Soon the CNI won’t be able to meet because no one will be able to leave their territories, be it because of the cost, be it because of the bad government, be it because of the corporations, be it because of crime, be it because of a natural death or a bad death mala that it impedes you. In a while more we will only be talking among ourselves, already knowing what we’re going to say.”

Also very significant, for those who want to understand, the story about the meeting that the now-deceased Sup Marcos had 10 years ago with a northwest indigenous chief of the country’s northwest 10 years ago, when he (Marcos) was touring with the other campaign.The chief had previously received institutional governments. The chief told Marcos: “I know very well that they didn’t want you to meet with me, that they pressured you so that you would not be here. They also pressured me so that I would not receive you. I don’t know why you are here. I imagine that those who command you told you that you should see us and listen to us. I don’t know. But I’m going to tell you why I received you. I have received the governments. They have come from all the colours and sizes. They come and take their photo, they say a few words, they go away and they don’t come back. I have received them because my predecessors told me that my duty was to see that my people, my pueblo, would not die, that they would survive. I received them for that reason. I receive you because of that. I don’t believe that you bring me ether advice or teachings, although it’s good that you don’t seek a photo and that you listen instead of talking. I received them because I think my people will survive a while longer that way and won’t die. So I receive you because I believe that something will be seen from what we are and that view, although only for a little time, will help my people survive.”

Upon the deceased Sub Marcos questioning whether he wasn’t worried that they would judge him for receiving him, he answered: “Only my own people can judge me. If my people condemn me for what I have done and for what I do, that would mean that I wasn’t wrong. My people will have to have survived in order for them to condemn me. So that would mean that I have fulfilled my duty and I can show the dead that I have done so, although the living condemn me.”

Another of the document’s central messages is the clarification that it will not be the EZLN that participates in the election: “the CNI is who will decide if it participates or not with its own delegate, and, if so, it will have the support of Zapatismo.” It couldn’t be clearer. The decision of the peoples in the consultation is complex, because they rightly resist the enslavement of power, but also, like the indigenous chief of the northwest, they are supported in institutional mechanisms like survival strategy. They know that the community, individual and secret vote will be visible and they will be objects of multiple pressures. There is the task of the indigenous peoples we have accompanied and obviously we decided to assume it.

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Originally Published in Spanish by La Jornada

Tuesday, November 29, 2016

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2016/11/29/opinion/020a1pol

Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

Video message from The Sexta Bachajón

Posted in Uncategorized on December 2, 2016 by floweroftheword

The Sexta Bachajón send a videomessage in support of the Week of Worldwide action in solidarity with the the ejidatarios of San Sebastián Bachajón, from 4th to 10th December, 2016.

The compas of La Sexta Bachajón, including Domingo Pérez Álvaro, have made the following video message in support of the Week of Worldwide Action in Solidarity with the Ejido San Sebastián Bachajón, to be held from Sunday 4th to Saturday 10th December, 2016, International Human Rights Day. In the message, Julian, the brother of the murdered social activist and beloved community leader Juan Vázquez Guzmán, expresses their thanks and support for the initiative.

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New EZLN Communiqué Clarifies Joint Proposal with CNI

Posted in Uncategorized on November 30, 2016 by floweroftheword

galSubcomandante Galeano (Photo@SIPAZ archives)

On November 17, 33 years after its foundation, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) published an extensive communiqué titled “A History to Understand”, in which it gives further details about the proposal of consultation with the peoples that make up the Indigenous National Congress (CNI in its Spanish acronym) to examine the convenience of naming a national council of government and an indigenous woman candidate for the 2018 elections.

Subcomandante Galeano clarified that, although the proposal was launched by the EZLN, “the CNI is who will decide whether or not to participate with a delegate of its own, and, if necessary, it will have the support of Zapatismo.” But, “No, neither the EZLN as an organization nor any of its members will run for a popular election position in the 2018 electoral process. No, the EZLN is not going to become a political party. No, the EZLN is not going to present a Zapatista indigenous woman as a candidate for the presidency of the Republic in the year 2018. No, the EZLN has not altered its course to any degree, nor will it continue its struggle along the institutional electoral route.” He ratified that “the EZLN does not struggle to take Power.”

Subcomandante Galeano added that in making the proposal to the CNI, the EZLN stated “that it did not matter whether or not they won the Presidency of the Republic, that what was going to matter was the challenge, irreverence, insubordination, the total rupture of the image of the indigenous, subject to the alms and the image of pity so rooted on the institutional right and who, would say it, also on the left of ‘real change’ and its organic intellectuals addicted to the opium of social networks – that their daring would make the whole political system vibrate and that it would have echoes of hope not in one but in many of the Mexicans below … and the world.”

Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity

https://sipazen.wordpress.com/2016/11/29/chiapasnational-new-ezln-communique-clarifies-joint-proposal-with-cni/

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“Political parties out, community governments in”: Indigenous peoples of Chiapas

Posted in Uncategorized on November 30, 2016 by floweroftheword

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Desinformémos
22 November 2016
“Political parties, alcoholism and other religions have divided us. As if that weren’t bad enough, we are also divided by the government programmes that are a condition of the crumbs they give us. What’s more, those of us who organize are threated and those who defend us are intimidated or attacked. We demand an end to the threats and repression”. So said thousands of indigenous Choles, Tsotsiles and Tseltales in the central square of Oxchuc, Chiapas.
Thousands of indigenous people participating in the pilgramage called “11 Days for 11 Municipalities in Chiapas” arrived in the central square of Oxchuc on the 20th of November, the 7th day of their pilgrimage, where they declared themselves in favour of all the originary peoples getting rid of the political parties, and creating their own forms of self-government.
Members of the Movement in Defence of Life and Territory (Movimiento en Defensa de la Vida y el Territorio [MODEVITE]), the Believing People of the parishes of Candelaria, Huixtán, Tumbalá, Cancúc, Tenejapa, Ocosingo, Altamirano, Chilón-Sitalá, Yajalón, Salto de Agua and Oxchuc expressed their support for the more than 100 communities, neighbourhoods and regions choosing their own municipal authorities according to their uses and customs, without the interference of the government, their elections or their political parties.

“The political parties, like idols from the Bible, receive sacrifices and offerings. These sacrifices can be the lives of the people, or individuals, who, for defending others, end up in jail. The golden calf is not innocent; it is dangerous because it has servants who take it offerings. The political parties are these idols and their servants all those who join one of them for the money they are given. They try to convince other people that they must worship their idol, and since the idols are many, everyone wants you to choose their one. In this fight for power, they use us at their convenience and cause divides among us”, said the spokesperson for the indigenous Choles, Tsotsiles and Tseltales who participated in this pilgrimage.

They pointed out that in the municipality of Oxchuc, this practice of idolatry has been led for generations by a single family, who have encouraged the veneration of their idol purely for their own benefit.

“In light of this, we wish not to perpetuate this state of division that the political parties have left us in. For this reason, today, we denounce the years of corruption enjoyed both by Norberto Sántiz López and his wife María Gloria Sánchez Gómez; a family so delirious with power that they wanted to be in power again, but this time with a different party”, said the indigenous people in support of the town of Oxchuc.

The indigenous people of the originary communities present in the square of Oxchuc agreed to elect their authorities and not accept the imposition of political parties, so from now on they will make the decisions. “We have the right as indigenous peoples to self-govern. We do not want a single family to remain in power, we want a truly communitary government”, said the spokesperson of the pilgrims.

They insisted that the indigenous peoples have the right to self-government through uses and customs and that, as such, they must be listened to and respected in the way they make decisions.

Members of the government council of Cherán, Michoacán were present at the event. They explained the way in which they have created their own form of self-government and how they got rid of the political parties.

with information and inset photo from Chiapas Paralelo/ main photo, MODEVITE

Translated by Ruby Zajac for the UK Zapatista Translation Service

https://desinformemonos.org/destierro-partidos-politicos-gobiernos-comunitarios-pueblos-indigenas-chiapanecos/

Ayotzinapa: It Was the Army

Posted in Uncategorized on November 30, 2016 by floweroftheword

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‘The True Night of Iguala’, Book by Anabel Hernandez

Aristegui Noticias: On the orders of a drug cartel capo, soldiers of the 27th Infantry Battalion carried out an operation to retrieve a shipment of heroin with an estimated value of $2 million dollars, which was hidden in two buses taken by the Ayotzinapa normal school students in the Iguala bus station on the evening of September 26, 2014. So the book ‘The True Night of Iguala’ reveals.

Based on interviews with a key Guerrero drug trafficker and the direct testimony of others, the journalist, Anabel Hernández, broadens and deepens what was previously reported in the magazine Proceso, on how the Battalion took control of Iguala during the hours that the 43 youths from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Normal School were disappeared, whose fate is still unknown.

Hernández received a hitherto hidden document from the PGR [Attorney General's Office], in which the General Inspector of the agency called for an investigation of the 27 Infantry Battalion. By presidential orders, the investigation was stopped, the journalist says. César Chávez Alejandro Flores, the visitor who drew up the "legal technical evaluation", was forced to submit his resignation to the Attorney General last September.

The document PGR obtained by the reporter, states: "It is instructed … that the investigation be extended with respect to Captain José Martínez Crespo such that he testify about the allegations that have been made regarding his possible links with organized crime and the result be sent to the Deputy Attorney General for Specialized Investigation of Organized Crime (SEIDO)."

In addition, it instructs that there be an assessment of the possible "remiss behaviour that may have been incurred by 27th Infantry Battalion staff, based in Iguala, Guerrero," in order "to have data and sufficient evidence to widen the investigation regarding possible crimes which could be attributed to them, such as concealment, abuse of authority or any other unlawful act in the exercise of their functions."

If the case of Ayotzinapa rocked the country, ‘The True Night of Iguala’ represents another jolt of great significance.

The collaboration of the military with drug traffickers is revealed in the book: "On the night of September 26, 2014, a drug dealer with a significant level of operations in Guerrero, who was in Iguala, was informed that students from the Ayotzinapa Normal School were aboard two buses in which a shipment of heroin with a value of at least two million dollars was hidden. The students did not know that they were traveling with the precious cargo and that their destiny was bound to it.

"Although the capo was accustomed to trafficking several tons of heroin, the amount that the buses were carrying was not small, and he could not allow that theft, although it was accidental. If he tolerated it, control of his turf would be lost.

"’If you kill for twenty thousand dollars, then for two million? It’s a way of operating. The recovery of the merchandise was a matter of money and an issue of authority, if the robbery were allowed, then there would be more,’ explained one credible informant with whom several meetings were held during fifteen months of this investigation.

"The drug trafficker in question had at least eight years working in the state, first as a collaborator with Arturo Beltrán Leyva, with whom he smuggled drugs into the United States as a minority partner. He eventually acquired more power, and managed to maintain a discreet profile; his name is never mentioned in the criminal cases of other members of that cartel.

"In 2009, when Arturo Beltrán Leyva was killed [by the military] in Cuernavaca, the boss decided to continue with his own operations, using Guerrero as a basis. In order to have control of the area, he had on his payroll soldiers from the 27th and 41st Infantry Battalions, Federal Police, Guerrero State Ministerial [investigative] Police, Federal Ministerial Police, Iguala Municipal Police and various officials from nearby municipalities, as well as in the mountains, where poppies are grown and processed into heroin.

"When the loss of the precious cargo was reported to him, the boss would have made a call to the infantry Colonel José Rodríguez Pérez, Commander of the 27th Battalion, asking him to recover the goods at any cost. The Army was the security force that had the most authority in the city. Perhaps the drug trafficker didn’t realize the magnitude of the operation to recover the drugs.

"’The Army itself was the one that led the operation to rescue the drugs,’ said the source of information who was aware of the facts.

"The expert ballistics studies obtained in this investigation, as well as the way the facts fit together, suggests that the Estrella de Oro buses #1568 and #1531 were loaded with drugs and were the target of attacks that night. They stopped the first at the intersection of Juan N. Alvarez and Periferico Norte [North Ring Road] and the second on the Iguala-Mezcala road near the Palace of Justice, with the help of the Municipal Police of Iguala Huitzuco and Cocula and of the Federal Police and the Ministerial Police of Guerrero.

"According to this version, at the time the military rescued the drugs from the buses, the students on board would have realized what they were extracting from the compartments, an unforeseen event that suddenly detonated the need to disappear them so as not to leave witnesses."

‘The Real Night of Iguala’ indicates that the drug trafficker sought only to recover the merchandise and "left everything in the hands of the military." "No drug cartel ignites its own turf … that’s absurd," the journalist told Aristegui Noticias. … [the Spanish article gives further recounting of details of the night and evidence collected.]

The book, published by Penguin Random House, under its Grijalbo label, will be released at the beginning of next week and will be presented on December 1 at the Guadalajara International Book Fair.

http://aristeguinoticias.com/2511/mexico/fue-el-ejercito-fueron-a-recuperar-la-heroina-laverdaderanochedeiguala/

Convocation for the Second Phase of the Fifth National Indigenous Congress

Posted in Uncategorized on November 28, 2016 by floweroftheword

cni

Given that:

1. During the first phase of the Fifth National Indigenous Congress, we analyzed and discussed in depth the different faces of the capitalist war on our peoples. We agreed that it is urgent to halt the displacement, destruction, disrespect, oblivion, and death to which our peoples are subjected and which seek to put an end to our individual and collective resistances and leave our homeland in the hands of the capitalists that govern this country and this world.

2. It is urgent to struggle, to take serious steps and go on the offensive alongside the peoples of the countryside and the city, indigenous and non-indigenous, to construct a new nation from below.

3. We agreed to remain in permanent assembly while carrying out a consultation in all of our geographies on the resolutions reached October 9-14, 2016, with respect to the formation of an Indigenous Governing Council, to be represented by an indigenous woman who is a CNI delegate who will run for the Mexican presidency in the electoral process of 2018.

WE CONVOKE THE SECOND PHASE OF THE FIFTH NATIONAL INDIGENOUS CONGRESS:

15032912_1292407087490057_6691877084545519357_nTo be held December 29, 30, and 31, 2016, and January 1, 2017, in the Zapatista Caracol of Oventik. This Congress will have decisive capacity with regard to the agreements proposed in the first phase of the Fifth National Indigenous Congress as well as with regard to any agreements reached during this second phase. The Congress will be carried out according to the following schedule:

December 29:

  1. Arrival and registration of CNI commissions.
  2. Opening ceremony.

December 30: Closed plenary session to discuss:

  1. The installation of the second phase of the Fifth National Indigenous Congress.
  2. The report on the results of the internal consultation by the commission named for this purpose.
  3. Evaluation of the results of the internal consultation in work groups.
  4. Determination of the paths the CNI will take in the face of capitalist displacement, repression, disrespect, and exploitation, and the strengthening of our resistances and rebellions.
  5. The steps to be taken toward the constitution of an Indigenous Governing Council for Mexico.

December 31: The work group discussions continue.

January 1: Plenary Session in the Zapatista Caracol of Oventik.

With regard to the above, and based on the agreements, reflections, and results that come out of the work around the internal consultation that is being carried out in each of the geographies of our peoples, we ask the peoples, nations, and tribes who make up the National Indigenous Congress to name delegates who will discuss and agree upon the steps to take. These delegates should register at the official email address: catedratatajuan.

In addition, as agreed during the general meeting of the Provisional Coordinating Commission held November 26, 2011, at the UNIOS facilities in Mexico City, we ask that the results of the consultation—as acts, minutes, pronunciations, or other forms that reflect the consensuses reached according to the methods of each people, nation, or tribe—be submitted by December 15 at the latest to the email address: consultacni.

The points put forward in this convocation will be discussed in closed sessions December 30 and 31, 2016, in which EXCLUSIVELY CNI delegates may participate. Compañer@s of the National and International Sixth as well as accredited media may participate in the January 1, 2017 plenary, or in any moment that the assembly deems appropriate.

Members of the National and International Sixth, special invitees of the CNI, as well as media who want to participate as observers in the open sessions of the second phase of the Fifth CNI should register beforehand at the email address: cni20aniversario.

Attentively,

cni-ezln__-1November 26, 2016

For the Full Reconstitution of Our Peoples

Never Again a Mexico Without Us

National Indigenous Congress

Zapatista Army for National Liberation

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2016/11/26/convocatoria-a-la-segunda-etapa-del-v-congreso-nacional-indigena/